Afghan President: US soldier did not act alone in massacre of 16 civilians

It’s clear that sixteen unarmed Afghan civilians, nine of whom were children, were murdered recently but what is unclear is whether it was done by one U.S. solider acting alone, as U.S. sources are claiming, or by multiple U.S. soldiers, as Afghan witnesses and the Afghan president is declaring. American officials have stated that a single U.S. solider acted alone and then surrendered. President Hamid Karzai could not help but disagree after hearing one villager’s story. Karzai described this villager’s account of the night, “In his family, in four rooms people were killed –children and women were killed‐and then they were all brought together in one room and then set on fire. That, one man cannot do.” Karzai sent officials to investigate the case further but he said he did not receive the cooperation from the United State that he had hoped for. U.S. military did not respond to President Karzai’s statement. The incident has added more stress to the discussion of removing U.S. troops; Karzai suggested that the official NATO withdrawal by the end of 2014 was not soon enough.

 

Title: More than one US soldier involved in massacre: Afghan President

Publication: Al Akhbar English

Date of Publication: March 16, 2012

URL: http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/multiple-soldiers-involved-killing-afghan-civilians-afghan-president

 

Student Researcher: Annie Keating, College of Marin

Faculty Evaluator: Susan Rahman, College of Marin

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  • Peter Phillips

    Male Bonding—Military Massacres By The Book

    By Kathleen Barry | April 2, 2012

    Afghan born journalist Yalda Hakim reported from the villages where the massacre occurred.

    The author of “Unmaking War, Remaking Men” writes that the behavior
    in Afghanistan of alleged killer Robert Bales was anything but
    unexpected.

    For two weeks after the March 11, 2012 Afghan massacre, its 17 dead
    victims and several wounded were anonymous to the world. Americans read
    daily about their alleged killer, Staff Sergeant Robert Bales, his
    multiple deployments, his wife’s worries, her pregnancies—even in the
    few days before we learned his name. 

    At the end of March, Afghan born Australian journalist Yalda Hakim
    found her way to the villages where the massacres took place. The Afghan
    Army working with the U.S. military was reluctant to let her in. She
    prevailed. Then, to speak to the survivors, she had to appeal to 
    President Hamid Karzai,  after the U.S. military refused her
    permission.  And finally, although her report is not aired on major U.S.
    media, we see the surviving children speak of their fathers and mothers
    being shot in front of them, villagers telling of a crying baby getting
    a bullet to the head, an elderly grandmother being shot down when she
    opened the door. 

    All speak of many American soldiers, from 15 to 20 according to the initial Afghan parliamentary investigation report shortly after the massacres. President Obama said “it appeared you had a lone gunman who acted on his own,” not wanting it compared to the My Lai massacre in the Vietnam war.

    In one of the houses, we see rooms dotted with bullet holes and
    splattered blood. We see the now the empty village, its surviving
    inhabitants now refugees someplace else in Afghanistan. Step by step we
    can reconstruct those victims experiences that night bringing them out
    of anonymity, engaging our empathy.

    Even with this information that allows us to begin to feel for Afghans
    and their losses, in the United States concern for Robert Bales’s mental
    health looms larger. Daily, extensive reports connect us to his
    subjectivity in a way that continues to render the victims invisible,
    denying us empathy for those nine children, dead execution-style, each with one bullet in the head.

    Why the anonymity of those victims?  Why is the media almost uniquely
    focused on Bales’s multiple deployments?  Why the insistence on Bales as
    the lone killer in the face of Yalda Hamkin’s report and the initial
    Afghan investigation? Because these were revenge killings, a by-the-book
    military trained response of male bonding.

    One of the buddies at the base, a particular friend of Robert Bales,
    lost his leg when a roadside bomb exploded a few days before, according
    to both Afghan military accounts and that of Bales’s lawyer.  As I have argued in Unmaking War, Remaking Men,
    male bonding (expected of women in the military as well) is drilled
    into new recruits during training at they same time they are learning to
    kill without remorse, killing their own souls. It is a clever military
    technique to invoke shame in order to prevent soldiers from deserting or
    refusing to fight. In combat, if your buddy is hurt or killed, it is
    because you did not protect him. Even if there was nothing you could
    have done, your manhood is violated, your soldier’s honor is stained.
    What else is there to do but to avenge his death or the attack against
    him?  Military male bonding knows no boundaries. Since the massacre of
    Afghans, U.S. soldiers are being targeted in revenge for the massacre of
    17. War perpetuates itself.

    For decades feminists have been exposing male bonding when guys join
    together for a gang rape and then cover for each other, when men close
    women out of decision-making in firms or hang together to pass them over
    in promotion, when policemen ignore wife beatings. When male bonding
    engages with racism, we see how police officers and departments cover
    for each other.  The killing of African American teenager, Trayvon Martin,
    by a neighborhood watch captain, has gone unchallenged and without an
    arrest since February. Although Trayvon Martin was unarmed, the Sanford
    Police Department accepted George Zimmerman’s explanation that he shot
    in self-defense.

    What will happen to Robert Bales or “our Bobby” as the New York Times reported friends described him? Will there be a repeat of the outcome of the 2005 Haditha massacre?
    When Frank Wuterich saw his buddy blown to smithereens in the Humvee in
    front of him, he took command and went into action. In a short time 24
    Iraqis, mostly women and children, were dead. The military cover-up went
    high up the chain of command. But quietly over the years the charges
    against eight of the soldiers were dropped. In mid 2011 Wuterich was
    convicted of “dereliction of duty” and sentenced to serve no time in
    jail.

    Bales like Wuterich responded to an attack on his buddy just as many
    men enlisted right after the 9/11/ 2001 attack on the United States to
    avenge those American lives taken that day. If we can predict from the
    Haditha, most Americans will have forgotten about the latest Afghan
    massacre by the time it comes to court. Forgetting is how Americans
    collude with their country’s war crimes, their soldiers’ crimes against
    humanity even as they spill over onto our own city streets. The African
    American community and those committed to anti-racism will not rest
    until there is justice in the killing of Trayvon Martin.  But for most
    Americans, war, if regrettable, is over there someplace else. We cannot
    afford to turn away. Until male bonding is exposed, disgraced, and
    disrupted we will be drawn into colluding with its crimes or chiming in
    with such excuses as multiple deployments.

    The most fundamental defense of violent masculinity is that men must be
    aggressive and violent to protect women and children upon whom they
    turn their violence.  Women and children, including teenagers like
    Trayvon Martin, will always be their most likely victims. There is
    another way, the one chosen by men who refuse to kill in war, who suffer
    humiliation and beatings for “not being a man” but who, in resisting
    war and killing, make it possible for us to expect that of all men.
     

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